> Click here to download P. Whitney Lackenbauer's From Polar Race to Polar Saga: An Integrated Strategy for Canada and the Circumpolar World

Executive Summary

To devise a more confident and constructive Arctic strategy, Canada needs to marry its defence and resource development agenda with stronger diplomatic and social dimensions. A 3-D (defence-diplomacydevelopment) approach that recognizes the possibility for international cooperation, fixates less on potential “sovereignty loss” and encourages sustainable socio-economic development will place Canada in a better position to seize opportunities and become a world leader in circumpolar affairs.

The problems in the Arctic cannot be resolved by a return to Cold War rhetoric and reactive, crisis-based mentality, which will preclude Canada from seizing opportunities in collaboration with northern residents. Canadians must recognize with confidence that our sovereignty is not in serious jeopardy, thanks to quiet diplomacy that has historically balanced continental security priorities with national interests. The Canadian-American disagreement over the legal status of the Northwest Passage is a longstanding issue that has been successfully managed on an “agree to disagree” basis, and does not support the nationalist myth that the United States has deliberately and systematically sought to undermine Canadian sovereignty. What Canada can anticipate and should seek is not an “Arctic race” but an “Arctic Saga,” predicated on a greater demand for resources and trade coupled with more stable governance. This Saga could be attained by focusing on sustainable development, constructive circumpolar engagement and environmental protection, without sacrificing either sovereignty or security.

A “Canada First” strategy is politically sound: “Canada only” expectations are unrealistic. There is no conventional military threat to our Far North, nor will Canada solve its boundary disputes with the force of arms. Furthermore, continuous talk about the need for a stronger Canadian Forces (CF) presence could actually undermine Canada’s sovereignty. Canadians need to invest in military capabilities so that the CF can operate in all parts of the country and play a supporting role to civil authorities, particularly the Coast Guard and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, through a whole-of-government, functional approach.

• Expansion and enhancement of the Canadian Rangers must be realistic and sustainable or this important community-based asset will be set up to fail.
• The government needs to carry through on its planned military investments, develop a more coherent intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) network and share Arctic maritime information with our allies.
• Establishing an Arctic Marine Security Operation Centre can help to improve Canadian maritime domain awareness.
• Feasible human resource and recapitalization plans for the Canadian Coast Guard are essential.
• Canada should explore the possibility of creating a “Combined Arctic Command” to coordinate Canada’s Joint Task Force North and US Northern Command surveillance and response efforts in the Arctic.

Most importantly, Canadian foreign policy must be framed in concert with Northerners’ priorities and after careful dialogue with northern representatives. Their emphasis on the foreign policy-making process conflicts with the prevailing tendency towards immediate, outcome-oriented, “crisis” decision making.

• To improve representativeness in agenda-setting and decision making, Canada should create a domestic “Arctic Canada Council” and should reinstate the position of Ambassador for Circumpolar Affairs.
• Canada must develop an Arctic Climate Strategy that is global in its aspirations for mitigation while sensitive to local adaptation.

Given the immense resource potential of the Arctic, the region has reignited the Canadian imagination as a treasure-laden frontier that could hold the key to national prosperity. With all the focus on the alleged threats to Canadian sovereignty and security, predicated on foreign eagerness to undermine our claims and steal our resources, the popular discourse has been directed away from the benefits that Canada will accrue if development is attracted to the region. Proposals to build human capacity straddle the line between domestic and international policy, but they are key to Canada’s future.

• Canada should continue to find ways to promote internal and international development in close partnership with Northern leaders, emphasizing the human dimensions of development such as economic development and diversification, healthcare, education and training, Aboriginal issues and northern infrastructure.
• Canada should encourage and support a Northern Canadian commercial fishery through quotas and a comprehensive harbour development plan.
• Canada should consider creating Inuit Marine Councils brought together as a Canadian Arctic Marine Environment Working Group under the aegis of the proposed Arctic Canada Council.
• The federal government should consider re-establishing an interdepartmental Advisory Committee on Northern Development (ACND), with representatives from main stakeholder departments, Aboriginal organizations, and the territorial governments.

A Northern Vision has the potential to unite Canadians. To build strong national will for this Vision, the federal government needs to be more systematic and proactive in its Arctic strategy. Seizing our northern destiny, not out of fear but out of confidence and a sense of national purpose, will contribute to a stronger, more prosperous Canada, and a stable and constructive circumpolar world.